100 Mile House Free Press
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100 Mile House, British Columbia, Canada
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100 Mile House Free Press Overview The 100 Mile House Free Press is the community newspaper of 100 Mile House and the South Cariboo region of British Columbia's…
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Suara Karya, whose name meant Voice of Work, was an Indonesian-language daily newspaper published in Jakarta. It was founded on 11 March 1971 by the Suara Karya Foundation under the direction of Golkar, the political organisation known as the Functional Groups, and it became the recognised voice of Golkar and of Suharto's New Order. Its slogan was Suara Rakyat Membangun, Voice of the Developing People. Unlike most Indonesian newspapers, Suara Karya made no pretence at birth of political neutrality: it was created, in haste and at considerable expense, to help Golkar win the legislative election of July 1971, and its own mission statement was described as explicit that it wanted to be a partisan paper. Backed by the ruling organisation, it grew from a first print run of 25,000 copies to a circulation of 300,000 by 1998, sustained in large part by civil servants who subscribed because Golkar required them to. When Suharto fell in 1998 its circulation collapsed to about 3,000, and although Golkar attempted a prominent relaunch in 2005, the paper never recovered its former weight. It ceased print publication in 2016, continuing thereafter as an online title at suarakarya.id.
Suara Karya's founding was an exercise in political urgency. The first issue was published on 11 March 1971, ahead of the July 1971 legislative election, the first election Golkar contested. According to published accounts of its history, the newspaper took only three days of preparation and cost Rp 50 million in start-up money, about US$130,000 at the time. Its chief executive was Sumiskun, and its head editor was Jamal Ali. The founding editorial staff included Syamsul Bisri, Rahman Tolleng, Sayuti Melik, David Napitupulu and Cosmas Batubara, names drawn from the activist and bureaucratic networks around Golkar. For the first edition, 25,000 four-page copies were printed and sold at Rp 10 each. A quarter of the front page was given over to a congratulatory note from President Suharto, while the main story, headlined Presiden Jawab Pertanyaan-pertanyaan Sekitar Supersemar, presented Suharto's explanation of the Supersemar, the 1966 order by which power had passed from Sukarno, and offered support for it. The first issue also carried the paper's mission statement, making clear from the first day what the title existed to do.
The paper's function was stated openly by those who ran it. Rizal Mallarangeng, in his study of the New Order press, noted that Suara Karya's original function was to help establish strong public support for Golkar, and described it as the paper of Golkar and the New Order. Syamsul Bisri, one of its founding editors, characterised it as a form of social control dedicated to an idea, the return to the pure form of Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution. The partisan investment paid its intended dividend at the ballot box: Suara Karya's influence was credited with helping Golkar win its first election and secure its political power. Afterwards the newspaper became required reading for all government employees, a status no commercial competitor could match, since it converted the Indonesian bureaucracy into a captive market. It soon came into direct competition with Kompas, the Catholic-founded Jakarta daily, which became its biggest competitor and the independent counterweight against which Suara Karya's official journalism was measured, a pairing later scholars used to compare the contents of the New Order press.
With Golkar's support, circulation expanded rapidly. By 1972 Suara Karya was selling 57,400 copies a day, with 90.6 percent going to the general public. In the succeeding years the figures varied, sometimes rising and sometimes falling drastically, but the long trend was upward: by 1987 circulation had reached 124,079, and the paper then employed eighty-one reporters, a ratio of one reporter for every 1,500 copies sold. Most subscribers were civil servants, who were required by Golkar to subscribe. By 1998, the last year of the New Order, circulation stood at 300,000 and Suara Karya was considered the voice of Golkar in the most literal sense, an organ whose readership was an extension of the state apparatus itself. The newspaper's ISSN, 0215-3130, and its long registration in international catalogues reflected a title that, for twenty-seven years, Indonesians encountered wherever government business was done.
Suara Karya's institutional reach extended into English-language publishing. In 1983, together with Kompas, Sinar Harapan and Tempo, it was among the Indonesian media companies that founded The Jakarta Post, the English-language daily created with official encouragement to explain Indonesia to the world. By 1994 Suara Karya was estimated to own a 35 percent share of the Jakarta Post company, making it the largest single shareholder in one of the country's most respected newspapers. The stake illustrated the paper's dual nature in the New Order media order: publicly a party organ, corporately a significant investor in the broader press industry, embedded in the same ownership networks as the independent titles it competed against for readers.
Even the ruling organisation's own newspaper was not beyond the reach of New Order press discipline. In 1989 Suara Karya received light sanctions from the Ministry of Information after running an article about the Sultan of Brunei, which was considered likely to cause the Sultan emotional distress. The episode was minor in itself, a warning rather than a closure, but it demonstrated the governing principle of the period: the licensing system and the ministry's displeasure hung over every publisher, loyalist or critic alike, and questions of foreign rulers' feelings could be treated as matters of state. For a paper whose entire purpose was alignment with power, the sanction was a reminder that alignment offered no formal immunity, only a far wider margin of tolerance than critical titles enjoyed.
The fall of Suharto in 1998 destroyed the structure on which Suara Karya's circulation rested. When the president was forced to resign, the paper's circulation dropped sharply from 300,000 to about 3,000, one of the most dramatic collapses recorded for any major Indonesian newspaper. The figure exposed how artificial much of its market had been: once civil servants were no longer required to subscribe and Golkar no longer governed as the state's electoral machine, the voluntary readership that remained was a small fraction of the official one. The Reformasi era also removed the paper's political monopoly. Golkar survived as one party among many in a competitive democracy, and a newspaper built to proclaim a single organisation's programme had to compete for attention in an open market against titles readers chose freely. Suara Karya survived the transition as a publication, but as a shrunken version of the New Order institution it had been.
Golkar attempted a rescue after its strong showing in the 2004 legislative election. On 17 February 2005 Golkar leader Jusuf Kalla, by then Vice President of Indonesia, announced a new management for the paper: party official Theo L. Sambuaga became president director, and Bambang Soesatyo, Sambuaga's deputy in Golkar's information, communication and telecommunications department, became editor-in-chief in place of Bambang Sudono. The newspaper was relaunched at an event at the Mulia Hotel in Jakarta, after thirty-two years as the mouthpiece of the ruling party during the Suharto regime, with a vow that it would no longer be used to serve the party's political interests. Edward Seki Soeryadjaya, the new business manager and a Golkar deputy treasurer, argued that the paper had to be acceptable to all elements of society, reporting news accurately rather than biasing it toward the party, since no reader would pay to be brainwashed; the target audience was redefined as policymakers and businesspeople. The relaunch promised a sixteen-page paper expanding eventually to twenty pages, publication on holidays, more colour pages, upgraded reporter skills and thirty additional journalists. Golkar claimed a circulation of 80,000 in 2005. Scholar Dirk Tomsa nevertheless judged the effort unsuccessful, since Suara Karya continued to be used frequently as a vehicle for Golkar members to express their opinions, and the habits of a partisan organ outlasted the rebranding.
Through its final decade in print the paper lived in the shadow of its own history, its identity still defined by the organisation that owned it; Golkar's own party records listed Suara Karya as the party newspaper for the years 1971 to 2016. The pressures that closed other Indonesian print titles in the same period, falling print advertising, rising costs and the migration of readers to digital news, applied with particular force to a paper whose circulation had never fully recovered from 1998. Suara Karya ceased print publication in 2016, ending a forty-five-year run on newsstands. It did not wholly disappear: the title continued as an online-only daily at suarakarya.id, the web address recorded for the paper in its later listings. The transition left Suara Karya in the same category as several other historic Jakarta titles of its generation, names that had once been printed in hundreds of thousands of copies surviving as websites, their print institutions closed.
Suara Karya was remembered as the clearest example in Indonesian journalism of a newspaper created as an instrument of power, and of what happened to such an instrument when the power changed. Its founding in three days for an election, its congratulatory first front page, its required readership among civil servants and its circulation built on official subscription made it a case study, examined in books on the New Order press alongside Kompas, of how the Suharto system fused party, state and media. Its 35 percent stake in The Jakarta Post showed that the same system also produced durable, respected institutions. And the arc from 300,000 copies in 1998 to 3,000 after Suharto's fall, through a vice-presidential relaunch to a quiet end of print in 2016, gave Indonesian media history one of its most precise measurements of the difference between a readership that is commanded and one that is earned.
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