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Corporate Watch

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About Corporate Watch

Corporate Watch

Corporate Watch is a London-based not-for-profit investigative journalism organisation run as a workers' co-operative, investigating corporate power in Britain since 1996. Small, independent and funded by donations and charitable grants rather than advertising or corporate backing, it researches and publishes investigations into the companies behind some of the country's most controversial industries — private prison and detention operators, arms manufacturers, fossil fuel firms, and the outsourcing giants that run public services. Its work combines long-form investigative reporting with practical support for campaigners: company investigations on request, do-it-yourself research training, and a handbook that teaches activists to investigate companies themselves. Its website is published under a Creative Commons licence, so its journalism can be freely republished for non-commercial purposes.

Investigating power since 1996

Corporate Watch has been operating since 1996, making it one of the longest-running independent investigative outfits in Britain. It was born in the 1990s, a decade when the anti-roads protests, the campaigns against the arms trade and the early anti-corporate-globalisation movement were creating a demand for hard information about the companies activists were up against: who owned them, who ran them, where their money came from, and what their records showed. Corporate Watch's answer was to become a research service for that movement — an organisation whose job was to turn over the stones of corporate Britain and publish what it found. Nearly three decades later, with the organisation now structured as a workers' co-operative, that founding mission is unchanged: to investigate corporations and the networks of power around them, and to put the findings into the hands of the public and of campaigners.

The workers' co-operative model

Corporate Watch is run as a workers' co-operative: the people who do the work own and govern the organisation collectively, without outside shareholders or a proprietor. The co-operative model is a deliberate political choice as well as a practical one. An investigative organisation that reports on corporate power cannot credibly be owned by the corporate world, and the co-op structure — one member, one vote, surpluses reinvested in the work — is meant to guarantee that independence in its governance. In practice it is a tiny organisation: accounts of its staffing describe a handful of paid researchers and writers, working part-time and often holding other jobs, with coop members accepting reduced pay when times are hard and committing a portion of their time to administration. The co-op's published contributor policies are disarmingly frank about money: its pay rates are below the National Union of Journalists' recommended freelance rates, but, it notes, they are similar to or above what many of the precarious carers, cleaners and couriers its research supports are paid — and it is all a small donation-funded co-op can afford.

Company investigations

The core of Corporate Watch's journalism is the company investigation: deep, document-driven research into individual corporations. Its subjects have included the outsourcing companies that run immigration detention centres and prisons, the arms manufacturers supplying conflicts around the world, the energy companies driving fossil fuel expansion, the banks financing controversial projects, and the private equity firms buying up public assets. The method is forensic rather than sensational: Companies House filings, annual accounts, shareholder registers, planning documents, court records and procurement contracts, read by researchers who know how to decode them. The organisation actively invites tip-offs, encouraging individuals and groups to contact it with information and requests about companies they think need looking into, and it notes that since 1996 it has collaborated with a huge variety of individuals, grassroots groups and campaigns. This two-way relationship with the activist world is what distinguishes Corporate Watch from a conventional newsroom: its investigations often begin with a campaign's question and end as a resource for that campaign's work.

Training and the DIY handbook

Corporate Watch does not only investigate companies itself; it teaches others to do it. It runs 'Do-It-Yourself' training for groups that want to develop corporate research skills for campaigning, and 'Do-It-Together' trainings in which the group carries out collaborative research on a company while learning the skills to do it alone. Training can cover the basics of company research or specialised tasks such as reading a company's accounts in detail — the kind of financial literacy that turns a campaigner's suspicion into an evidence-based case. To support self-directed learning, the organisation produces a DIY handbook on how to investigate companies, free and at the reader's own pace, alongside an online course. The philosophy is explicit: corporate power is investigated most effectively not by a single newsroom but by a distributed network of campaigners equipped with research skills, and Corporate Watch's job is to seed that network.

A notable investigation: Mitie and Harmondsworth

One of Corporate Watch's most prominent investigations concerned Mitie, the FTSE 250 outsourcing giant, and its running of Harmondsworth, Britain's largest immigration removal centre. A Corporate Watch researcher spent months on a secret-filming investigation inside the centre after Mitie took over its operation on a major government contract, and the organisation found that conditions had deteriorated under the new operator. Channel 4 News broadcast the findings as a ten-minute film — a remarkable piece of impact for a research group with only a handful of paid staff. The investigation did not stop there: a whistleblower from another part of Mitie's business subsequently contacted Corporate Watch with timesheets and payslips showing care workers were not being paid for travel time between home visits, meaning some earned less than the minimum wage. Corporate Watch's investigation, led by its accountancy specialist, established that the underpayment affected hundreds of workers — a second front in the same company's labour practices, uncovered because the first investigation had put the organisation on the map.

Funding: donations and grants

Corporate Watch is funded by donations and a few charitable grants — a funding model that is both its guarantee of independence and its permanent constraint. It takes no advertising, has no corporate sponsors, and its co-operative structure means there are no shareholders expecting a return. The money goes overwhelmingly to the small team of researcher-writers; the organisation's own accounts of its finances stress how tight they are, with coop members working part-time and forgoing pay when necessary. This leanness shapes the journalism: Corporate Watch cannot chase every story, so it chooses targets where its document-driven method adds something that daily news coverage does not — the ownership structures, the money flows, the paper trails. The trade-off is deliberate. An investigative organisation funded by the public and by charitable trusts, answerable to its worker-members, can report on corporate Britain without worrying about an advertiser's phone call.

Publishing and open licensing

Corporate Watch publishes its work primarily on its website, corporatewatch.org, and the site is published under a Creative Commons Attribution/Noncommercial licence — meaning anyone may republish its journalism for non-commercial purposes provided they attribute it. This is a political decision as much as a practical one: the investigations are meant to be used, by campaigners, journalists, students and community groups, without paywalls or permission barriers. The organisation also produces printed books and pamphlets, often collecting material previously published online, and its books are generally published under Creative Commons licences as well. Its contributor programme, formalised in published policies, invites more people to work with Corporate Watch on research and writing beyond the coop's members — broadening coverage, involving more people, and spreading research and writing skills through supported on-the-job collaboration — with contributors paid by the hour rather than by the word, on the grounds that hourly pay better reflects the effort of difficult research.

The co-op in the media ecosystem

Corporate Watch occupies a distinctive niche in British journalism. It is not a newspaper, not a broadcaster, and not quite a conventional NGO: it is a tiny co-operative of investigative researchers whose output feeds all three. Its investigations have been picked up by national broadcasters — the Channel 4 News broadcast of the Harmondsworth investigation is the clearest example — and its research underpins campaigns that in turn generate national news. Its training work multiplies its effect beyond its own bylines, creating campaigners who can read a set of accounts or trace a corporate structure for themselves. And its open licensing means its journalism circulates freely through the activist and alternative media ecosystem. In an era when local and investigative journalism has been hollowed out by the collapse of traditional business models, Corporate Watch is a working answer to the question of how accountability reporting survives: small, co-operative, donor-funded, and embedded in the movements it serves.

Significance

Corporate Watch matters because it has kept a particular flame of British journalism alive for nearly thirty years: the patient, document-based investigation of corporate power, published freely and put to work by campaigners. It has done so as a workers' co-operative — collectively owned, donation-funded, deliberately small — proving that accountability journalism does not require a proprietor or an advertising department. Its company investigations, its DIY training and handbook, and its open-licence publishing model form a coherent theory of change: make power transparent, give people the tools to do it themselves, and let the journalism be used. Its official website, at corporatewatch.org, carries its investigations, its training materials and its handbook — the full toolkit of an organisation that has been watching corporations since 1996.

Corporate Watch, a London-based not-for-profit workers' co-operative investigating corporate power since 1996, combines investigative journalism with company research training and open-licence publishing, funded by donations and charitable grants and best known for investigations such as its Channel 4 News-broadcast exposé of conditions at the Mitie-run Harmondsworth immigration removal centre.

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